Ethics

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What a sorry state we are in

Published by Anonymous (not verified) on Thu, 04/04/2024 - 5:17pm in

Tags 

Ethics, Politics

It is less than a year since I put the following quote from my 2011 book, ‘The Courageous State’ on this blog, but having noted this morning the apparent complete inability of our leading politicians to take action to back a ban on arms sales to Israel it seems appropriate to do so again.

Seeking to compare the politicians we had at that time, and still have, with the courageous politicians that I thought and still think that we need, I said:

Cameron and Osborne, with their allies Nick Clegg and Danny Alexander ....have become the apotheosis of something that has been thirty years in the making: they are the personification of what I call the cowardly state. The cowardly state in the UK is the creation of Margaret Thatcher, although its US version is of course the creation of Ronald Reagan. It was these two politicians who swept neoliberalism into the political arena in 1979 and 1980 respectively following the first neoliberal revolution in Chile in 1973 that saw the overthrow of the democratically elected Allende government by General Pinochet. Since then its progress has been continual: now it forms the consensus of thinking across the political divide within the UK, Europe and the US.

The economic crisis we are now facing is the legacy of Thatcher and Reagan because they introduced into government the neoliberal idea that whatever a politician does, however well-intentioned that action might be, they will always make matters worse in the economy. This is because government is never able, according to neoliberal thinking, to outperform the market, which will always, it says, allocate resources better and so increase human well-being more than government can.

That thinking is the reason why we have ended up with cowardly government. That is why in August 2011, when we had riots on streets of London we also had Conservative politicians on holiday, reluctant to return because they were quite sure that nothing they could do and no action they could take would make any difference to the outcome of the situation. What began as an economic idea has now swept across government as a whole: we have got a class of politicians who think that the only useful function for the power that they hold is to dismantle the state they have been elected to govern while transferring as many of its functions as possible to unelected businesses that have bankrolled their path to power.

Using this logic, we now have politicians who cannot decide an obviously ethical and legally required action for four reasons.

Firstly, they are fearful that they might upset those in the arms market.

Secondly, they live in fear of Israel and are quite unable to form any coherent view about what to do about it, so obsessed with tropes are they.

Thirdly, they hide behind excuses and legal opinions rather than make up their own minds.

Fourth, they do not want to act because that might indicate that the state does have the power to intervene to do something appropriate, and that goes against everything that they believe in.

What a sorry state we are in.

Is it beyond the wit of our politicians to make up their own minds?

Published by Anonymous (not verified) on Thu, 04/04/2024 - 4:58pm in

Tags 

Ethics, Politics

As has been my habit in recent days, I put up a Twitter poll yesterday. In the light of developments in Gazza, the question that I ask was unsurprising, as was the reaction.

That being said, neither of the Conservative or Labour Parties are providing any real lead on this issue.

Rumour has it that legal opinion has been given to the government saying that arms exports should end, but they still have not acted.

But was legal opinion really needed to determine that?

And does Labour need to hide behind the fig leaf of demanding this opinion before saying that it thinks that all export licenses should be banned?

Is it beyond the wit of our politicians to make up their own minds without having to find excuses for their action? Seemingly, it is.

Smelling the coffee

Published by Anonymous (not verified) on Tue, 02/04/2024 - 5:02pm in

As the FT noted in its Lex column yesterday:

First chocolate, now coffee — the supply of modern life’s necessities is being squeezed by a changing climate. Extreme temperatures and droughts in south-east Asia, home to the world’s second- and third-largest producers of coffee beans, have led to lower harvests.

But given that this was the FT they went on to note:

Falling bean supply has implications not just for our daily lives but also for company earnings.

Blow the impact on those growing the beans and the disruption to their lives: what matters is falling corporate earnings, not global heating and the impact it has on working people.

That said it did note that those impacts are not likely to improve, albeit still within the context of corporate earnings. As they noted, a heatwave in Vietnam, the world’s second-largest bean producer, has cut production thereby maybe 20%, with much the same happening in Indonesia, which is also a major producer. Coffee prices are up 50% as a result. And this is likely to continue. Despite the price increases, climate change is making coffee too unreliable a crop to grow in south-east Asia, and farmers are pulling out.

I have never hidden the fact that if I have any form of addiction (and I really don't think I have), then coffee is the closest thing that I get to it. I consume more than my fair share of the world's coffee beans per day, I am sure.

At present, the price of coffee has not changed enough to really impact my consumption, but that does not mean that it might not at sometime in the future.

I often wonder when it will be, and what it will be, that brings home the reality of the change in consumption patterns that climate change is going to demand of us. I really do not know. But, what I'm sure about is that this will happen.

What I also know is that in a great many ways, this cannot happen soon enough: we need to really appreciate precisely what we are doing to our planet to understand the necessity of change. Rationally, we should already be there. Emotionally, we are not, so that we pretend nothing is happening. The sooner that we can close that gap so that we can let go of what is no longer possible, and imagine what might be, the better off we will all be in the long term.

Oxford needs to wake up and smell the shit

Published by Anonymous (not verified) on Sun, 31/03/2024 - 6:58pm in

I watched both boat races yesterday. Why? Because I wanted Cambridge to won. They do, after all, train in my home city of Ely on a bit of river with which I am very familiar. There was some local interest for me.

I was, as a result, happy to note two Cambridge wins, both against the odds.

But there was another slight satisfaction in noting this. My disquiet about Oxford, its politics, philosophy and economics degree, and the pernicious impact that graduates from that degree seem to have had on British political life over the last forty years meant that I could not help but note that the failings of neoliberalism played a big part in the Cambridge wins.

Oxford could not get on the water to practice for weeks before the race because of flooding at their boat club. The regulated waters of the Ouse suffered no such fate. One for state backed controls in the face of global warming then.

And then there was e-coli, which the Oxford crew blamed for sickness amongst their crew. Privatisation, much beloved of the Oxford PPE crowd, appeared to bite back in that case.

There was, for me, an inevitable sense of schadenfreude about this that I could not suppress.

Will Oxford be campaigning for clean water now? I got that sense from Cambridge commentators, and less so from those from Oxford. Maybe they should wake up and smell the shit. It would be long overdue if they did.

Why is Labour wrapping itself up in the Union flag?

Published by Anonymous (not verified) on Sun, 31/03/2024 - 6:17pm in

I did another Twitter poll yesterday, because the Guardian highlighted concerns that members of the Labour Party have expressed about campaign materials produced by its headquarters for local party use. These feature prominent images of the Union flag whilst removing from view traditional Labour graphics, such as its red rose logo.

There have been reports that these materials are unpopular with its members, some of whom are refusing to deliver materials emblazoned in this way.

My poll was as follows:

I have to make clear, I am not suggesting that this result is statistically valid. There are obvious selection biases in running a Twitter poll that guarantee that this is not the case. However, given that my Twitter following is likely to be biased towards Labour supporters, and I am excluding from my analysis those who say they are not, I am not sure that I need to get overly worried about that risk of bias: this data is likely to reflect the opinion of at least some parts of Labour’s membership or support.

Taking out of consideration those who say they are not interested in Labour, and those who say that they do not have an opinion, and therefore taking into account only those who are directly concerned about Labour Party campaigning, it is very apparent that most of those voting really do not wish to see Labour wrapping up its campaign inside the Union flag. Eighteen per cent think Labour is right to feature the flag. Eighty two per cent do not. That difference of view, which remained very stable after a couple of hundred votes were cast, appears significant to me.

I can also wholeheartedly understand that opinion. That is , no doubt, in part because I am not a unionist. I accept that fact creates bias.

There are, however, broader reasons. Most of us a certain age are all too familiar with the history of the use of this flag as a campaigning tool by the far right. The memory of that is still too strong to want to see it used again.

In addition, many people think of this flag as a symbol of colonial oppression, for very good reason. That association is deeply uncomfortable for them. I also count myself in that number.

Others, not unreasonably, think that this use of the flag represents Labour moving into Tory party space, for absolutely no good reason. I do.

I think all those holding any (or all) of these opinions will feel alienated by Labour doing something that is so deeply insensitive to those who might naturally support it. They will rightly wonder why it wants to cause such offence.

I have not sought to hide my concerns about Labour over the last couple of years. That concern has arisen for many reasons. Its willingness to go down the same jingoistic path that the Tories have trodden is yet another concern to add to my list because it seems to me to lead to another of those characteristics of fascism that are becoming all too well known.

Perhaps, though, most of all I am, baffled as to why Labour is doing this. When someone as dispassionate as Professor John Curtice of Strathclyde University thinks that there is a 99% probability that they will now win the next general election why does the Labour leadership still doubt that, as they must do by going down this route? Do they somehow think that they still have to win the far-right vote from the Tories and Reform, when the rump that support those parties are never going to be persuaded? And do they really think that their own supporters will put up with any sort of abuse so that those people might be recruited, whatever the cost?

Or is it, worst of all, that this Labour leadership really does wish hark back to an era when this flag did, without doubt, represent attitudes of colonial superiority? Do they, in other words, actually share the sentiments of those on the far-right of British politics, based on division as they so obviously are?

I am not sure of Labour’s motives, but whatever they might be they appear to be a profound betrayal of all that is ethical, just and inclusive and that is profoundly unattractive in a party set to rule this country.

Just suppose we tried to meet needs? What might happen?

Published by Anonymous (not verified) on Sat, 30/03/2024 - 6:53pm in

A new commentator on this blog named Tony Wikrent made an interesting comment yesterday, saying, when discussing the purpose of economics:

”Many subscribe to Lionel Robbins’ definition of economics as the allocation of scarce resources among competing ends”

This is where economics goes wrong – right from the beginning. The actual history of Understanding this would radically shift the what economists emphasise. Financial markets and prices would become much less importance, and the creation of science and new technology would become paramount areas of inquiry.

Robbins, whose overall contribution to economics was not nearly as important as I think the London School of Economics like to claim it to be, undoubtedly heavily influenced economic thinking with his 1935 book in which he offered the above suggestion. That idea was taught to me in the 70s. It is still commonly noted. Ask ChatGPT what economics is about and it suggests:

Economics is the social science that studies how individuals, businesses, governments, and societies allocate resources to satisfy their wants and needs, given scarcity. It analyzes production, distribution, and consumption of goods and services, as well as the behavior of markets and economies.

Scarcity is the condition that requires economic choice, apparently, based on a search of the web as a whole. The idea remains in common use then, in itself constraining us all. It was, apparently, Robbins maxim that human beings want what they cannot have, and that notion need not be true, meaning it did not have the power he gave it.

In the 1930s, when Robbins wrote, I am aware that one of my grandfathers earned 30 shillings a week (£1.50) and lived in a tied cottage in a state of both considerable insecurity and poverty. My mother’s descriptions of that upbringing have influenced me, without a doubt. In that situation, then Robbins was to some degree right; human beings did want what they could not have.

But, as Tony Wikrent implies, Robbins thinking (both economic and social) was decidedly static. His presumption was that what was scarcity was a permanent state in which the economy must exist. Post-war development showed that this need not be the case. .

Vastly better housing became available. Incomes rose. The post-war consensus delivered prosperity to vastly more people, me included. The problem of scarcity was not solved, but it altered radically. Three themes became apparent.

The first was that it became possible that we could meet need. It was, and remains, possible for us to ensure everyone in the world could enjoy a life where their needs are met. I am not saying that would be easy. I think it could be done.

Second, that fact did not solve the problem of scarcity. Those with the ability to solve the problem of unmet need chose not to do so. Scarcity with regard to need was imposed instead. It was no longer inevitable, but it continued to exist, nonetheless.

Third, the reason why need was not met was because those with the means to do so chose, or rather were persuaded, that satisfying their wants was a higher goal than was the meeting of the needs of others.

When Robbins wrote in 1935 the whole field of marketing, and the manipulation of human perception that it involves,  was virtually unknown.  Advertising did, of course, exist. But marketing is quite different. It seeks to create wants where none existed, and that activity did not become commonplace until the 1950s. The imposition of continued scarcity was a necessary condition for marketing’s success. Innovation might have created the means to address all needs, but the reality was that it was instead primarily directed at meeting previously unknown wants.

Does that mean that I disagree with Tony Wikrent? It does not. The point he makes is powerful, and appropriate. It does, however, need to be framed and that framing is to be found in the choice that supposedly free markets have made with the power to create technology that we have discovered.

That power has been used to achieve three outcomes. One, very obviously, is consumption beyond the physical constraints that the planet can sustain. As a result, we have the climate crisis.

Second, this power has been used to concentrate wealth in the hands of a few. Technology in innovation has, when subverted to private purpose, and when coupled with the abuse of artificial legal constructs like patents and copyrights, been used to create market power that eliminates competition, suppresses further innovation and delivers massive inequality within society.

Third, as a result, innovation has begun to destroy its own potential to meet either needs or wants as the preservation of the wealth of a few is deemed a higher-order priority than meeting the needs of an increasing number of people, whilst it also destroys the very markets that supposedly fostered its creation.

To put it another way, the whole purpose of market-based economics has become the prevention of the meeting of needs whilst simultaneously creating the means for an increasingly smaller number of people to consume to excess way beyond any conceivable measure of human requirement.

The problem for this economic model is that it is unsustainable. As more and more people are driven towards economic desperation, which is very obviously happening at present, the social acceptability of this form of economics is collapsing. Simultaneously, the excessive use of natural resources that it requires is becoming evermore apparent. Neither, by themselves, would be sufficient to bring this system down. Together, they create a situation where that is likely.

What happens then is the question to ask? This is where I think Tony’s comment is very relevant. Suppose that the whole purpose of industrial and agricultural development was to become the overcoming of the scarcity of resources. Could we find the food to feed the world, the water to sustain it given global heating, and the means of shelter, free from risk, where people might enjoy secure lives of reasonable comfort, free from fear? I think we could. But it does present the most massive challenge to a hierarchy of innovation and power that largely ignores need at present and instead presumes that the accumulation of excessive wealth for a few is the goal of society.

Gordon Brown’s answer to poverty in the UK is to appeal to charity. When Labour looks like it will have a massive majority soon that is pathetic.

Published by Anonymous (not verified) on Fri, 29/03/2024 - 8:55pm in

Gordon Brown, the former Labour Prime Minister, had an article in the Guardian newspaper yesterday that plumbed new depths for the Labour Party.

Brown acknowledged that the UK has a poverty crisis, with vast numbers of people having insufficient income to meet their needs. As he noted, one million children now live in what might properly be called destitution, because absolute poverty does not seem an adequate description.

Having wrung his hands over this, and inevitably seeking to blame the Tories, he claimed to have a plan to address the issue.

There were two parts to this plan. In the first, he suggested a tiny pruning of the amount of interest paid by the Bank of England to the UK’s commercial banks each year on the deposits that they supposedly hold with our central bank. These sums actually represent the new money supply created by the Bank of England on behalf of the government during the 2008/09 financial crisis and 2020/21 Covid crisis, which the commercial banks did, as a result, do literally nothing to earn.

Approximately £40 billion will be paid in interest on these accounts this year. Brown suggested that between £1 billion and £3 billion of this sum might be redirected towards addressing extreme poverty in this country.

Having made this totally feeble gesture when the opportunity to do so much more with this wholly inappropriate enrichment of bankers was available to him, he then added his second suggestion. He did not, as any reasonable left-of-centre person might have expected, suggest that companies and people with higher levels of income might pay more tax to address the inequality that we now face as a country. Instead, he appealed to their charitable instincts and suggested that if only they donated a little more to food banks, the whole problem might be solved.

I have already suggested today that Labour’s frank admission that it does not intend to do anything about the power of the private sector, or the inevitable fact that the private sector does not allocate rewards appropriately within society, is recognition on its part of creeping fascism, about which it very obviously has no intention of doing anything.

Brown reinforces my opinion that Labour has altogether given up on challenging inequality, the power of the private sector, and the power of private, wealthy individuals within our society. Instead, it does now seem that it will tolerate any outcome that the market now dictates, however, undesirable that is for the people of the UK as a whole.

You could describe this as Labour giving up on its fundamental purpose, and you would be right to do so.

You could alternatively suggest that this is Labour tolerating the creep of fascism into our society, and again I think you would be right to do so, although I am sure that Labour itself would disagree. But, when it is doing nothing to stop that advance of fascism, what right have they got to do so?

As I have said before today, and will no doubt be saying many more times over the months and years to come, I have shown that none of this is necessary. The Taxing Wealth Report demonstrates that the money required to tackle the problem of poverty in the UK could be raised by simply reforming some of the existing taxes within this country. This would be easy, especially for a party in power possessed of a massive majority, which Labour is likely to have. Quite literally, nothing could stop them from reshaping the way in which rewards are shared within our society for the benefit of that society as a whole.

If Labour are not willing to do that with the power that they are likely to have then what are they for? Apart from enabling fascism, that is.

It’s not just Thames Water: the whole of the English water industry is environmentally insolvent

Published by Anonymous (not verified) on Fri, 29/03/2024 - 7:39pm in

I posted this thread on Twitter last June, but it is just as relevant today:

There has been much discussion about the likely failure of Thames Water in the last day or so. I've been looking at the accounts of England's water companies for the last twenty years. My conclusion is that they are all environmentally insolvent. So, a thread…..

There are nine companies in England that take away sewage. There are more that supply water alone. But the crisis that the English water companies face largely relates to sewage so my work has looked at the ones that take our waste away.

Thames Water is one of those sewage companies. The others are Anglian Water, Northumbrian Water, Severn Trent, South West Water, Southern Water, United Utilities, Wessex Water and Yorkshire Water.

It's important to say that although I used the accounts of each of these companies in my work, the results I am talking about here or for the industry as a whole. To get a proper picture of the water and sewage industry I combined their accounts into one single set.

Doing so produced some quite astonishing data. This is what the profit and loss accounts of the combined water and sewage companies of the UK looks like for 2022 in isolation, for 2003 to 2022 in total, and on average over that period:

There is a lot of data there. There are, however, some straightforward facts to concentrate on.

Firstly, the operating profit margin in this industry is 35%. That is staggeringly high, and it goes up to 38% when other income is taken into account. 38p in every pound you pay for water is operating profit i.e. profit before the cost of borrowing.

Second, note the cost of borrowing. I have generously offset interest received against interest paid. That still leaves interest costs representing an average 20% of income. 20p in every pound paid to these companies, on average, goes on interest.

That still leaves them profitable, though. And they do pay tax. The average tax rate is 19%, but that is way below the expected tax rate for this period when the tax rate was as high as 30% for some of it. And much of that tax has not been paid: more than £8bn has been deferred.

Finally, of the almost £25 billion they have made in profit over the years they have paid out every penny, and more, in dividends. In other words, the shareholders have taken 15p in every pound paid for water. There was nothing left for reinvestment, at all.

No wonder the water industry is in trouble. The income statement shows that the public is being fleeced by these companies who are simply treating the fact that the English consumer has had no choice as to who to buy water from as a means to extract profit from them.

Things are, if anything, worse if I look at the balance sheets. Now I know these scare most people, so I will talk through the details. This is a very summarised balance sheet for the  industry in 2022:

The industry has £77 billion invested in equipment. The rest of its assets are some financial investments, a bit of cash and sums owing to it from customers. So far, so good.

What is scary is what the industry owes. The £77 billion of equipment is financed, in the main by borrowings of almost £55 billion, or more. It's also funded by the tax not yet due of more than £8.5 billion, which brings down the cash-paid tax rate of the industry considerably.

Even the pension funds of those working for the industry are contributing to the funding, and there is more borrowing of various sorts in the other sums owing, totalling more than £10.7 billion.

What this means is that of the total near enough £91 billion invested in the sector more than £78 billion is funded by borrowing or sums owing of some sort and only just over £13 billion is funded by the shareholders.

What that also means is that the shareholders provide less than 15% of the overall funding for this industry. So much for the idea that private capital would fund water after privatisation. The reality is that borrowing is doing so.

When I began to look at the data in more depth things only began to get worse. What I was really interested in knowing was how much the water companies had invested in equipment over the twenty years reviewed.

The answer was, in my best estimate, that sum was £89.8 billion. Of course, some of that has now worn out and has long gone from the accounts. Assets like vans and computers do not last that long in use.

Then I worked out how that investment was funded. There were just two ways. One was out of operating income. For the technically minded, this is possible using what is called the depreciation charge in the accounts. This sum amounted to £38.9 billion. Customers provide this money

The rest of the funding came from the increase in borrowing over the period. That amounted to £40.5 billion. Other long-term liabilities, which are again mainly borrowing or pension fund liabilities,  increased over the same period by £10.4 billion.

The net result is that of the £89.8bn invested, customers or borrowing of various sorts provided £89.8bn of the funding, meaning the shareholders effectively made no investment in the assets of these businesses at all.

This matters for one very good reason. As we all know, these businesses are now routinely polluting England's rivers and beaches with sewage. That sewage comes from what are called storm overflows, although that's a misnomer now, as many release sewage even after modest rainfall.

That pollution cannot persist. Unless it is stopped we will end up without reliable clean water in England. The estimated costs of ending this pollution do, however, vary considerably.

The industry has offered to invest £10 billion over seven years, or £1.4 billion a year. The government has decided that £56 billion is required over 27 years, or just over £2 billion a year. The trouble is neither sum will come close to getting rid of the crap in England's water.

The House of Lords looked at this issue based on independent analysis and concluded that the most likely estimate of the cost of getting rid of all the pollution in our water was £260 billion. And that needs to be done as soon as possible. I suggest ten years.

If that investment of £260 billion was made, we might have clean water in ten years.

What the industry is offering is something quite different. Even if they meet the government's demand of them, at best I estimate that based on officially published data they might cut the crap in water by two-thirds, at best, by 2050.

So why has the government set such a low investment target that still leaves us with polluted water? The only possible answer is that they wanted to make sure that the private water companies would not go bust by having to spend too much.

Let me put that another way. The government thinks that saving the private water companies is more important than them polluting our water, rivers and beaches with all the costs that will create.

The government has made the wrong decision. But if the required £260 billion was spent (with more required to become net zero compliant) then the water companies would go bust. What that means is that they are environmentally insolvent.

The concept of environmental insolvency applies to any business that cannot adapt to make its business environmentally friendly – as climate change and ending pollution requires – and still make a profit. What it means is that its business model is bankrupt.

That is where the English water industry is now. Thames Water might be facing environmental bankruptcy, but this industry as a whole is in my opinion incapable of funding the investment required to deliver clean water and be profitable.

The government might be making noises about taking Thames Water into temporary public ownership, but that is meaningless when Thames Water can never be profitable and deliver clean water. There is only one answer for this industry now, and that is nationalisation.

I would suggest that this nationalisation should be without any compensation to shareholders. That is because their businesses are environmentally insolvent. Providers of loans might also have to take a hit too: they made a bad decision lending to these companies.

The government will then have to support the industry using borrowed funds. I suggest it should issue water bonds via ISAs to the public to do this. Wouldn't you want to save in a way that ensures we all get clean water in the future? I would.

And the way in which water is charged for might have to change. The idea that we all pay the same price per unit irrespective of the amount of water used seems absurd now and might need reconsideration.

But my essential point is that the water industry has to now be nationalised because it is not only failing us already but, on the basis of current plans, will probably do so forever, and that is not only not good enough, but is really dangerous to our wellbeing.

Our politicians have to now say it is time to end the shit in our water and take control of this industry to make sure that we get clean water. After all, if they cannot guarantee clean water – an absolute essential for life – what are they for?

Finally, a few technical notes. First, this analysis is based on the activities of the companies actually supplying both water and sewage services in England. It is not based on the groups of which they are members.

Second, the conclusions are based on aggregate data. They cannot be applied to any one company.

Third, the data used is extracted from databases but is correct to the best of my belief based on that limitation.

And, if you want to see the report on which this thread is based, it is here.

The report is rather more technical and much more referenced than the thread on this issue, focussing in part on the use of sustainable cost accounting to demonstrate that the English water companies are, in my opinion, environmentally insolvent, meaning that they cannot eliminate their environmental damage and remain in business.

It is essential that the state regulate the private sector if we are to avoid fascism. It looks as if both Labour and the Tories have abandoned this goal.

Published by Anonymous (not verified) on Fri, 29/03/2024 - 7:28pm in

In April 1938, President Franklin D Roosevelt sent a message to Congress in which he said:

Unhappy events abroad have retaught us two simple truths about the liberty of a democratic people.

The first truth is that the liberty of a democracy is not safe if the people tolerate the growth of private power to a point where it becomes stronger than their democratic state itself. That, in its essence, is Fascism—ownership of Government by an individual, by a group, or by any other controlling private power.

The second truth is that the liberty of a democracy is not safe if its business system does not provide employment and produce and distribute goods in such a way as to sustain an acceptable standard of living.

There is obvious resonance in what he said for discussion on this blog this week because of the reference to fascism that he made.

His interpretation of fascism is worth noting. It is heavily influenced by the Italian understanding of fascism at that time. However, it should resonate very strongly at this moment. The idea that we have fascism when private power is more important than the state is of considerable significance.

So, too, however, is this idea when combined with his second team, which is that democracy is not safe if business thinks it acceptable to organise itself in a way that does not meet the needs of people.

Now, let me put this in the context of a current issue. As the Guardian notes this morning:

After regulator resists 40% increase in bills, [Thames Water] shareholders deny request for more money – raising prospect of nationalisation

The UK water industry is very clearly organising itself in a way that does not sustain an acceptable standard of living in this country. Roosevelt's second condition is met.

As significantly, so too is the first. Not only will the current Tory government not properly nationalise Thames Water, but neither will Labour.  We know that the former is true because the Tories passed legislation, using statutory instruments, in January this year to protect the interests of shareholders in the event of the insolvency of a water company, with Thames Water clearly in mind. As the FT noted at the time:

[A] lawyer also warned that creditors might suffer bigger losses than they might have under the current regime.

Not only was it the Tory's intention to protect the powerful shareholders the Thames Water, but they were willing to do so at cost to creditors, including employees, pensioners, and those other businesses whose services it is essential that Thames Water retains if the company is to continue to meet the obligation to supply water to approximately one quarter of the people in the United Kingdom. The Tory indication was clear: in this power struggle, the shareholders of the dominant organisation have been deemed to hold all the cards, by law. This meets Roosevelt's first test.

I have two reasons to think that Labour will do nothing about this. The first is that yesterday Keir Starmer said:

I can’t pretend that we could turn the taps on, pretend the damage hasn’t been done to the economy – it has. There’s no magic money tree that we can waggle the day after the election. No, they’ve broken the economy, they’ve done huge damage.

It so happens that he was talking about funding for local authorities, but he might just as easily have been talking about the supply of money for another essential public service, which is the delivery of water on which, quite literally, the life of the UK depends. What he made clear is that he does not think that a Labour government will have the desire or willingness to command the resources to make good the problems that the Conservatives have created.

It is, of course, complete nonsense that the resources to fund both local authorities and the rebuilding of our water supplies do not exist. As I have shown in the Taxing Wealth Report 2024, up to £90 billion of taxes could be raised a year by taxing the wealthy more, simply by changing existing tax laws. In addition more than £100 billion could be raised a year to fund capital investment if only the rules on tax incentivised saving were changed. That has nothing to do with finding a magic money tree. It has everything to do with a government's capacity to tax, which Labour is clearly not willing to use in the public interest.

I have a second reason for thinking that Labour will not act, which is that sources within the party tell me that they are absolutely refusing to consider nationalisation and that the only option that they believe to be on the table is some form of repackaging of the existing company to keep it within the private sector.

Put these two factors together, and we can see that Labour also meets Roosevelt's first condition for the existence of fascism. It believes that the power of the private sector is greater than that of the state, even when it comes to something as fundamental as the supply of water on which we are all absolutely dependent.  Its belief is that there is nothing you can do in reaction to the failure of a private sector entity, but bail it out and return it to private ownership. This is despite the fact that it is now glaringly obvious from evidence around the world that the only successful model for the supply of water to a nation is that it must be under public control.

The situation at Thames Water is scary enough. Our major political parties' response to it is, if anything, much more worrying still. What they are confirming is that, as far as they are concerned, the state has withdrawn from the regulation of the private sector and from the regulation of the supply of services critical to the well-being of people in this country. They are, in that case, effectively heralding the onset of fascism, to which they say they have no answer.

Roosevelt declared in his message to Congress that it was essential that the State regulate the private sector. That, he thought, was a fundamental role of the state. He suggested how he would do so to require that the private sector serve the public good. He concluded his message by saying:

No man of good faith will misinterpret these proposals. They derive from the oldest American traditions. Concentration of economic power in the few and the resulting unemployment of labor and capital are inescapable problems for a modern "private enterprise" democracy. I do not believe that we are so lacking in stability that we shall lose faith in our own way of living just because we seek to find out how to make that way of living work more effectively.

It would now seem that we lack any modern politicians, at least within our major political parties, who can even imagine having such a vision, let alone having the ability to deliver it. And that is why we are in very deep trouble.

Will Thames Water finally force Labour to address the nationalisation issue?

Published by Anonymous (not verified) on Thu, 28/03/2024 - 7:48pm in

As The Telegraph notes in an email this morning:

Thames Water took a further step towards nationalisation after shareholders said they would not provide it with a £500m lifeline.

The troubled utility company was told it had not satisfied the conditions to receive the first tranche of support outlined as part of its three-year turnaround plan.

It had been expecting the half a billion pound payment by March 31, but shareholders said they would not provide the cash as the regulatory requirements on the company make it “uninvestible”.

I believe those shareholders. I think they are right. Thames Water and the whole of the English water industry, is uninvestable. I made that case in a report that I published last summer, suggesting not just that this sector was in financial trouble, largely because of increased interest rates, but that it was also environmentally insolvent, because there was no practical possibility that it could adapt to the requirement that they both deliver clean water and clean rivers and beaches while simultaneously meeting net-zero targets.

My estimate was that this industry was not just a little short of the funding that it needed. Instead I suggested that it might be as much as £250 billion short of the money required to achieve these goals. The analysis was based upon official information produced for the government and commented upon in House of Lords reports.

It is, in that case, time for any government, including the one that we have in waiting, to wake up and smell the coffee. The idea that water can continue to be supplied by private companies seeking to make a profit from this activity is now so absurd that it must be consigned to history as one of the greatest follies of privatisation, ever. They should also acknowledge the enormous price that we have paid for this folly, represented in no small part by the vast quantities of human waste that now pollutes so many of our waterways and beaches.

However, can we really expect any such acknowledgement from the Conservatives? Frankly, I doubt it.

Can we also honestly expect Labour to admit that nationalisation might be an answer to a question, given its current heavily pro-neoliberal stance? Similarly, I cannot.

In that case, I have a horrible fear that both the Tories and Labour to come, will continue to pour money into absolutely useless franchise water operations that seemingly exist solely to reward the directors and shareholders of these operations for precisely no value added, and a complete lack of understanding or wisdom on their part.

That said, the crisis that is obviously unfolding at Thames Water provides a very clear litmus test for Labour. Will it, as I am expecting, stick to dogma over need? Or might it be that they finally come to terms with reality and realise that there is a role for the state? Their reaction to this issue might tell us what the answer to that question is.

I am not living in hope.

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