big data
Own This! How Platform Co-operatives Help Workers Build a Democratic Internet – review
In Own This! How Platform Co-operatives Help Workers Build a Democratic Internet, Trebor Scholz presents platform co-operativism as a fairer, more sustainable alternative to the extractive capitalist model digital work. While he acknowledges the challenges of building a movement to compete with platform capitalism, Scholz persuasively argues that embracing diverse forms of co-operativism can create a more democratic digital future, writes Lola Brittain.
Own This! How Platform Co-operatives Help Workers Build a Democratic Internet. Trebor Scholz. Verso. 2023.
In the past few years, the new forms of work ushered in by the hyper-extractive business model of “platform capitalism”, have come under increased scrutiny. This has generated interest in paths of contestation and potential alternatives. One such alternative is platform co-operativism. Fusing the co-operative ownership structure, most commonly associated with the Rochdale pioneers of 1840s England, with the technology of digital platforms, platform co-ops promise to deliver a fairer and more sustainable form of digital work.
Fusing the co-operative ownership structure, most commonly associated with the Rochdale pioneers of 1840s England, with the technology of digital platforms, platform co-ops promise to deliver a fairer and more sustainable form of digital work.
The fusion was first proposed in concrete terms by Trebor Scholz in 2014. Since then, Scholz has done much to conceptualise and popularise the practice as the head of the Platform Cooperative Consortium; a digital space dedicated to supporting the establishment, growth, and conversion of platform co-ops.
Own This! How Platform Co-operatives Help Workers Build a Democratic Internet is his latest contribution. The book offers a panoramic overview of platform co-operativism and a vision for what its future might entail, drawing on case studies from Cape Town to Manhattan. It claims that platform co-ops are not a “figment of utopian imagination” but a reality that are already transforming the digital economy and that, with the right help, support and ecosystem, they can achieve a significant impact at a global scale.
The book offers a panoramic overview of platform co-operativism and a vision for what its future might entail, drawing on case studies from Cape Town to Manhattan
The book begins with an analysis of the issues faced by platform workers that will now be familiar to many: meagre wages, extreme risk, excessive surveillance, and management via algorithm. For Scholz, this is a consequence of the lack of workplace democracy that is attributable to the concentration of ownership within the hands of a few. This is not a new issue, of course, but it has been taken to the extreme by major technology corporations in the past two decades.
The solution to abject exploitation, according to Scholz, is for workers to collectively leverage platform technologies to forge democratically owned and governed businesses.
The solution to abject exploitation, according to Scholz, is for workers to collectively leverage platform technologies to forge democratically owned and governed businesses. Through analyses of many thriving real-world examples, such as Up&Go (an umbrella domestic work co-operative) and the Drivers Co-operative (a ride-hailing co-operative), he demonstrates that worker-ownership offers more equitable value distribution, higher pay, increased algorithmic transparency and security, a greater sense of dignity and improved wellbeing.
The potential of platform co-operativism to deliver improved outcomes for workers is contrasted to alternative attempts to elicit change, specifically by “compelling” major technology corporations to do better. He argues that several of the largest players have actively sought to prevent pro-worker legislation and that they are unwilling to democratise the workplace or improve conditions.
This is of course true in some cases. But there are examples where platform companies have been forced and/or persuaded to alter their practices, through direct worker action, community pressure and action-research. Scholz discusses prospects for worker action in chapter five. Here, he argues that even “successful strikes” do not necessarily generate workplace power and control and that, in turn, unions should embrace co-operativism as an alternative mode of platform worker organisation.
This is a pertinent suggestion, especially considering the recent ruling by the UK Supreme Court that Deliveroo workers cannot be recognised as employees or represented by trade unions in collective bargaining. But, of course, starting a co-operative is not possible for all, and Scholz acknowledges that platform co-operatives should not be expected to out-compete the major platform companies. To that extent, change – as he has noted elsewhere – will require a combination of strategies.
Starting a co-operative is not possible for all, and Scholz acknowledges that platform co-operatives should not be expected to out-compete the major platform companies. To that extent, change […] will require a combination of strategies.
The book is not solely focused on platform worker co-operatives, though. Conceptualising platform co-operativism as the Swiss army knife of organisational models, Scholz touches on an array of different forms, from producer co-ops to multi-stakeholder co-ops and data co-ops. This is all to say, that platform co-operatives are far from a “homogenous force”; they come in a variety of shapes and sizes and produce a variety of benefits, not simply for workers but for communities and consumers too.
Chapter three, in which Scholz tackles the perceived challenges of size (or, indeed scalability), is particularly interesting. Here, he confronts both a critique of platform co-operativism and an ongoing debate within the movement. The critique is that platform co-operatives are unlikely to scale. The debate is whether they should even attempt to; is scale simply growth in new clothes? He claims not, arguing that co-operative scaling is about securing “the best possible overall outcome/return”. This can be achieved by scaling “up” via the expansion of the size of the operation; but also “out” through the replication of a model in different geographic location; and “deep” by nurturing the existing organisation to create added value for stakeholders. This nuanced three-dimensional framework is an appreciated intervention in debate that often tends to focus, narrowly, on size alone.
More generally, it speaks to his broader strategy for the growth of the platform co-operative movement, which can be summarised, simply, as pragmatism. He is clear, at several points within the book, that his intention is to expand the movement and attract as many “allies” as possible. This means creating ample space for different approaches and experiments. It also means rejecting ideological fixity. In chapter seven – a letter set in the year 2035, written in the tradition of social speculative fiction – he rejects James Muldoon’s association of platform co-operativism with socialism, arguing that the movement must remain a “big tent” under which many political philosophies can exist.
Not only does Own This! advocate for a collective appropriation of platforms themselves; it also seeks to wrestle ownership of the imaginaries surrounding the development of the platform economy out of the hands of major corporations.
Thus, while he is pragmatic in his approach, his vision is incredibly ambitious in scope. He imagines a near-future, twelve years from now, in which an international network of co-operatives, containing socialists, anarchists, disgruntled VC (Venture Capitalist) bros and everything in-between, is thriving. In Scholz’s vision, this network is being actively promoted and supported by 80 governments around the world, as a pivotal pillar of the response to climate change and poverty elimination. In this respect, not only does Own This! advocate for a collective appropriation of platforms themselves; it also seeks to wrestle ownership of the imaginaries surrounding the development of the platform economy out of the hands of major corporations.
Is the network that Scholz envisions possible? There are certainly many green shoots. But, as an “unfinished story of co-operative principles in the digital economy,” the book shows that there are many questions that the movement is yet to confront. This includes the ways in which regulation could be designed to support platforms co-operatives, and how democratic governance can be managed and maintained if platform co-operatives do scale.
Overall, though, the book is a critical documentation of an evolving and genuinely impactful movement. Weaving multiple real-world examples through analyses of key topics – not simply scale and union relations, but also value and prospects for data democratisation – it succeeds in vividly bringing the concept to life, whilst identifying paths for future research. As such, it will no doubt serve as a call to action for those interested in constructing an alternative digital future.
This post gives the views of the author, and not the position of the LSE Review of Books blog, or of the London School of Economics and Political Science.
Image Credit: Roman Samborskyi on Shutterstock.
Technical Territories: Data, Subjects, and Spaces in Infrastructural Asia – review
In Technical Territories: Data, Subjects, and Spaces in Infrastructural Asia, Luke Munn explores how today’s territories are defined through data infrastructures, from undersea cables to cloud storage. Examining several cases studies in Asia, Anshul Rai Sharma finds this a groundbreaking interdisciplinary study of how these infrastructures underpin new forms of governance, shaping subjects and their everyday lives.
Technical Territories: Data, Subjects, and Spaces in Infrastructural Asia. Luke Munn. University of Michigan Press. 2023.
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Luke Munn’s Technical Territories dissects the idea of territory with a new sensibility of the digital world. Munn suggests that territories are being reworked in light of digital infrastructure – sea (undersea cables), cloud (data centres), and fog (technical standards) which together enable “tides” of surprising new territorial formations. As historically produced, “territory” means a “bounded space under control of a group”, typically a state (7). In contrast, technical territories consist of “contemporary information technologies” where “activities and identities are mediated through software, platform, and services” (14). Munn’s account thus on the one hand highlights the strategic and political aspects of such infrastructure, and on the other hand emphasises that territorial dynamics transcend continental land masses and borders of nation states. In this sense, Munn’s work is an attempt at an ethnography of power through the unique lens of cables and clouds-systems.
Munn’s account […] highlights the strategic and political aspects of such infrastructure, and […] emphasises that territorial dynamics transcend continental land masses and borders of nation states
Digital infrastructures are conceptualised as “nodes” that are “situated and siteless, embedded and extended, within and beyond” (28). One feels compelled to ask: Where are the boundaries? Instead of treating this ambiguity as a constraint, the author invites us to make this the object of the study, an exercise in making sense of these dense networks and what they imply for citizenship and territory. This is a complicated exercise, as a host of issues are at play simultaneously – jurisdiction, political authority, and economic ties. The book traverses technical as well as human geographies, reminding one of Doreen Massey’s concept of place as perpetual intersections.
The power tussle over digital infrastructure between nation states, companies, governments, and civil society is felt in the everyday lives of individuals.
Munn recognises that the power tussle over digital infrastructure between nation states, companies, governments, and civil society is felt in the everyday lives of individuals. He thus makes a key methodological choice to centre on individual data subjects in his analysis, including a case study of Hong Kong narratives. These accounts reflect the unease with networked technologies, with new geographic knowledge productions through three-fold issue of transmission, capture and processing of personal data. Visceral democratic protests are pitted against the “digitization of bodies” (43) which underscores the precarious nature of individual identity, autonomy, and privacy.
Munn identifies the imperial use of telegraph cables to convey critical information, hinting at the history of technological use for colonial purposes.
A central point in the book is that infrastructure works for those who build it – it is a source of power. Munn is thus not only concerned with connections but with the ownership of these connections. The emphasis is merely on spatialised power, but also on how this power is made operational. In a deeply political account of cable construction across the globe, Munn identifies the imperial use of telegraph cables to convey critical information, hinting at the history of technological use for colonial purposes. To understand where such tendencies are headed now, we must move through sea (cables), cloud (computing) and fog (technical standards). The reader is encouraged to see how “the imperial and terrestrial coexists with the technical” (102). The current fierce competition between global firms to lay claim to such territories is described vividly, bringing forth the central concern: even though the firms are competing in the global market, like any other geopolitical tool, this market is deeply embedded in government subsidies, intelligence, and national interests.
In light of this frame to global competition in digital infrastructure, a considerable portion of the text is dedicated to unpacking “Sinicization” (30). A comprehensive analysis of the emerging Chinese influence on digital technologies. Channelling Italo Calvino’s Invisible Cities, Munn makes the cables of communication visible, showing how vulnerable they are to disruption. A key realisation in the case study of Huawei is the disproportionate impact of China (the boundaries between state-owned companies and private firms fade here) on cable construction project. This is important as digital infrastructures are seen as “ontological in shaping our wider political environment” (60). Munn places such infrastructure in the centre of a meta-struggle between X actors on one side trying to make technology align with registers of rule of law, national sovereignty, and individual rights inherent in democracy, and Y actors on the other side relying on technology for surveillance and national security.
[Christmas I]sland’s isolation is employed for a dual purpose: restricting the movement of detained individuals while also acting as a hub for undersea cable projects that enhance communication networks.
The concept of territories as a “framing device” (7) is constantly invoked to probe the relationship between technologies and power. The author eventually argues that territories, in their myriad forms, “imping[e] on lives of the marginal while enhancing the agencies of those deemed central” (79). This is illustrated through the detailed analysis of Christmas Island in Australia. The island’s isolation is employed for a dual purpose: restricting the movement of detained individuals while also acting as a hub for undersea cable projects that enhance communication networks. This dichotomy highlights the tension between hindering human mobility and promoting the flow of information. A parallel tension, between the “appropriation of land, the exploitation of the environment, and the violence done to bodies” and the unequal ways in which “technologies mediate information and facilitate extraction” (99) is presented by using Singapore as a case study.
The book touches upon national laws governing data collection and circulation, such as China’s Cybersecurity law, the US CLOUD Act, and Hong Kong’s Personal Data Ordinance. While Munn suggests these laws may not offer sufficient protection against data flow, he doesn’t delve deep into evidence-based analysis of the legislation. However, he adeptly discusses the intricacies of cloud architecture for readers. The penultimate chapter shows how cloud-based computing and edge-computing (processing data locally) operate differently yet come together as a system of control. The chapter echoes Foucault’s genealogy of power to understand how the old and more explicit forms of governance are replaced by the new models such as “cloud-edge formation of power” (125) demanding a complete revision of concepts like Decentralisation.
Munn’s work provides a new, imaginative framework to unpack relationalities between infrastructural operations, flow of capital, and flow of information
Munn’s work challenges readers to intertwine infrastructural and political theory with contemporary geopolitics. Its uniqueness stems from its narrative on the transformative impact of modern infrastructure on territorial boundaries. Technical territories are deeply political; they amplify state power and undermine the agency of individuals. Instead of being neutral models, these are infrastructures that “push and pull, ordering the world and jostling with others in a bid for primacy and position” (9). Munn’s work provides a new, imaginative framework to unpack relationalities between infrastructural operations, flow of capital, and flow of information – a triad that becomes increasingly important as digital governance becomes a dominant idea across democracies.
The author is grateful for inputs from Tekla Marie Emborg at the University of Groningen.
This post gives the views of the author, and not the position of the LSE Review of Books blog, or of the London School of Economics and Political Science. The LSE RB blog may receive a small commission if you choose to make a purchase through the above Amazon affiliate link. This is entirely independent of the coverage of the book on LSE Review of Books.
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Who’s Watching The Watcher’s?
We all know that we're being watched, listened to, tracked, traced and monitored.
Who ensures those people in positions of power and those with corporate monopolies remain accountable?
The post Who’s Watching The Watcher’s? appeared first on Renegade Inc.