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‘Israel is losing war’ says ex-Israeli adviser – as IDF ‘hides mass military casualties’

Published by Anonymous (not verified) on Wed, 13/12/2023 - 10:59am in

‘Considerable and unexplained gap’ between admitted casualties and hospital records of severely wounded soldiers at least double acknowledged number

Image: IDF

A former Israeli prime ministerial adviser has said that Israel is losing its war against Hamas – and hospital records suggest the Israeli government and military are hiding at least half of the number of Israeli soldiers killed and injured in Israel’s genocide in Gaza.

In an article for US site The Nation, Daniel Levy – who advised then-Israeli prime minister Ehud Barak – compares the situation in Gaza to the unwinnable US war in Vietnam, where unacceptable casualty levels among US soldiers meant the Viet Cong only had to survive to win, and writes:

It may sound daft to suggest that a group of armed irregulars, numbering in the low tens of thousands, besieged and with little access to advanced weaponry, is a match for one of the world’s most powerful militaries, backed and armed by the United States. And yet, an increasing number of establishment strategic analysts warn that Israel could lose this war on Palestinians despite the cataclysmic violence it unleashed

Levy also notes that the ‘delusion’ that Israel’s conduct did not contribute to the 7 October attack is being exposed and having serious consequences for Israel and its US backers:

the delusion that Israel was just another Western nation peacefully going about its business before it suffered an unprovoked attack on October 7—it’s a comforting fantasy to those who prefer to avoid recognizing a reality they’ve been complicit in creating.

And at the same time, US news site Breaking Point has highlighted studies by Israeli media of Israeli hospital data – and sudden reductions in the official casualty numbers posted on the IDF’s website – to conclude that the real casualty rate inflicted on IDF forces by Hamas’s guerilla tactics are at least twice as high as the Netanyahu government is admitted and that among the wounded there are high rates of severe injuries consistent with videos released by Hamas of grenade and rocket-propelled grenade ambushes on Israeli tanks and infantry:

Breaking Point considers that this high rate of attrition, and a lack of appetite among the Israeli public for casualties in the military, may be driving Israeli efforts to get the US to commit troops as a ‘peacekeeping’ force.

If you wish to republish this post for non-commercial use, you are welcome to do so – see here for more.

Israeli government ‘ordered assassination’ of Palestinian poet Refaat Alareer

Netanyahu cabinet approved murder of Palestinian poet who mocked discredited atrocity propaganda, says Tikkun Olam security site

The Netanyahu government officially approved the murder of Palestinian poet, academic and activist Refaat Alareer, according to a website known for its sources inside the Israeli security apparatus.

Tikkun Olam, a news site run by writer Richard Silverstein, whose title refers to a concept in Judaism of healing the world, has broken a string of firsts since its creation in 2003 – and it has this to say about the assassination of Prof Alareer, who had mocked Israel’s now thoroughly-discredited atrocity propaganda about the murder and dismemberment of babies during the 7 October Hamas kibbutz raid:

Israel ordered Refaat Alareer’s assassination after derided Israeli claim of babies burned in an oven as hoax. He was right, but died for it.

Refaat was a Palestinian poet and professor.  It’s rare that countries assassinate poets. Not just murder them in wartime, but intentionally assassinate them…

But Refaat was an unusual combination of teacher and activist. He not only taught his students Palestinian poetry. He also taught them Hebrew poetry. For this, he was profiled in the New York Times: In Gaza, a Contentious Palestinian Professor Calmly Teaches Israeli Poetry. And the Times published an op-ed by him as well: My Child Asks, ‘Can Israel Destroy Our Building if the Power Is Out?’

Unlike Israel’s educational system, which promotes a triumphalist ideological indoctrination, Alareer’s teaching of Hebrew poetry analyzed and appreciated the beauty of the language, but critiqued that ideology underpinning it. This clearly unnerved the Times editors, presumably pressured by one of alphabet soup of pro-Israel media watchdog groups (CAMERA, MEMRI, Honest Reporting, etc), and published a “correction” to the profile.

He responded to them (unfortunately they did not offer a full quotation of what he wrote):

…He denied that there was a “substantial change” in his teaching and said that showing parallels between Palestinians and Jews was his “ultimate goal.” But he said that Israel used literature as “a tool of colonialism and oppression” and that this raised “legitimate questions” about Mr. Amichai’s poem.

Apparently, this sort of social-political-ideological analysis of literature, a method taught at almost all educational institutions, troubled these editors. Instead, their correction implied he was a propagandist, rather than an academic professor…

I broke the story here about Israel’s security cabinet issuing the Amalek Directive to assassinate six senior Hamas leaders and their families.  It also similarly targeted specific journalists and their families. The IDF has murdered 80 journalists suggesting that it is deliberately targeting them for execution. This is a war crime.

An Israeli security source confirms my suspicion that the cabinet ordered Refaat’s execution, because his joke marked him as being a member of the tribe of Amalek.  An eternal enemy of the Jewish people.  He was no such thing of course.

He was a poet, a teacher who loved literature.  He was also a champion of his people. He was an implacable enemy of injustice.  For that he died.  Along with him, Israel killed his brother, sister and their four children.  It knew it would them along with the intended target.  But killing entire families is now the Israeli modus operandi...

Refaat was displaced multiple times during this war and ended up at his sister’s home along with his parents, wife and children. A few days ago, Refaat moved with his wife and children to an UNRWA school in al-Tufah neighborhood in Gaza according to his family.

However, a close friend of Refaat’s told Euro-Med Monitor that he had received an anonymous phone call from someone who identified himself as an Israeli officer and threatened Refaat that they knew precisely the school where he was located and were about to get to his location with the advancement of Israeli ground troops.

While the credibility of the threat itself is unclear, it contributed to prompting Refaat to move back to his sister’s apartment, believing it was more concealed than an open and overcrowded school where it would have been difficult to hide.

For weeks since the start of this war, Refaat has been receiving numerous death threats and hateful messages from Israeli accounts on social media after prominent public figures [Bari Weiss, among others] singled him out for harassment and incitement.

In 2014, Israel bombed Refaat’s home in Shejaiya and killed over 30 of his and his wife’s families.

Read the full story, including details of how Refaat Alareer was stalked, threatened and ultimately murdered, and details of how Silverstein’s attempts to spread the news on social media were censored, here.

Many if not most of the Israeli victims of the Hamas raid are now known to have been killed by Israeli forces as part of the so-called ‘Hannibal doctrine’. Despite the abundance of evidence, the UK and other western media continue to ignore it.

If you wish to republish this post for non-commercial use, you are welcome to do so – see here for more.

Images/video: Thousands gather in Liverpool for biggest Gaza march yet

Published by Anonymous (not verified) on Mon, 11/12/2023 - 10:37am in

Corbyn, McCluskey and others speak to packed crowd that grew still bigger as it marched

The people of Liverpool gathered in their thousands today in solidarity with the people of Palestine and to demand a permanent ceasefire in Israel’s genocide of Palestinians, in what appeared to be the biggest rally and march yet.

Former Unite head Len McCluskey and former Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn were among the speakers – and received a huge welcome, as well as praise for their clear solidarity with the oppressed compared with the dire performance of their replacements:

And as the march processed down Hope Street and then Leece Street toward its Derby Square rally point, it grew larger and larger:

Solidarity from Liverpool to Gaza and all Palestinians. Palestine will be free. Ceasefire now!

If you wish to republish this post for non-commercial use, you are welcome to do so – see here for more.

Israel says it will pursue Gazan Palestinians on Lebanese, Turkish and Qatari territory

Published by Anonymous (not verified) on Wed, 06/12/2023 - 12:22am in

Israeli security service director’s threat on Israeli national TV

The director of Israel’s domestic security service, the Shin Bet, has said that the Israeli government intends to pursue Palestinian resistance activists outside Palestine – specifically threatening Turkey and Qatar.

Speaking to Kan, Israel’s national broadcaster, and reported by Israeli paper Haaretz, Ronen Bar compared the 7 October kibbutz raid to the 1972 massacre of Israeli athletes, saying:

This is our Munich. Everywhere – in Gaza, in the Palestinian territories, in Lebanon, in Turkey, and in Qatar. It will take us a few years, but we will be there to do it… we are drawing our lessons from the events and are already passing them on to other arenas, not just in the Gaza Strip…

the scope of threats facing the State of Israel is unprecedented in the past year, even before these
events. Even in this case, the main thing is hidden from the eye. There are many things brewing beneath the surface.

As well as constituting an open threat to the sovereignty of three nations, Bar’s comments are exposed as a farce by the fact that Israel knew what Hamas was planning at least a year before the kibbutz raid and did nothing – and that a growing mountain of evidence now shows that the bulk of Israeli casualties during the raid were caused by the Israeli military firing on buildings and vehicles that contained Israeli citizens, and at people on foot that pilots and tank commanders did not pause to identify before destroying.

Despite the mounting evidence, UK and western media have refused to cover the fact of Israeli ‘friendly fire’ under the military’s ‘Hannibal doctrine‘, as it would fatally undermine Israel’s attempts to justify its genocide of Palestinians in Gaza.

If you wish to republish this post for non-commercial use, you are welcome to do so – see here for more.

Indigenizing the Cold War: Nation-Building by the Border Patrol Police in Thailand – review

Published by Anonymous (not verified) on Fri, 24/11/2023 - 9:27pm in

Indigenizing the Cold War: Nation-Building by the Border Patrol Police in Thailand by Sinae Hyun explores the effects of the Cold War on Thailand’s nation-building process, specifically on the transformation of the Border Patrol Police (BPP) from a force supported by the CIA to a civic action agency. Applying the analytical lens of indigenisation, the book vividly describes the interplay between anti-communist mobilisation and nation-building during this period, writes Xu PengThis post was originally published on the LSE Southeast Asia Blog.

Indigenizing the Cold War: Nation-Building by the Border Patrol Police in Thailand. Sinae Hyun. University of Hawaii Press. 2023.

The main argument of this book is that the Cold War in Thailand was not just an ideological struggle between communism and anti-communism but a complex interplay between local elites and the general populace. The book highlights two key historical continuities: the Thai ruling elite’s collaboration with the US to establish Thailand as a bastion of anti-communism and leveraging US Cold War policies to advance Thai military and royal agendas. This work offers valuable insights into Southeast Asian studies, Cold War history, and political science by exploring the complexities of nation-building and the role of global superpowers in local affairs.

The author astutely observes that the revival of monarchical influence [in Thailand] was not an isolated phenomenon but a strategic move that dovetailed with anti-communist politics during this period [1947-1962]

The first chapter, “From CIA Brainchild to Civic Action Agent, 1947-1962,” serves as a foundational piece, setting the stage for the intricate transformations the Border Patrol Police (BPP) would undergo. The author astutely observes that the revival of monarchical influence was not an isolated phenomenon but a strategic move that dovetailed with anti-communist politics during this period. This alignment of interests between the Thai military and the monarchy was not merely coincidental but rather a calculated strategy that drew substantial support from the United States. This chapter illuminates how international geopolitics and local political imperatives can intersect, thereby mutually reinforcing each other. Moving on to the second chapter, “Building a Human Border, 1962-1980,” the author delves into the complexities of nation-building and bordercraft. The BPP’s initiatives in remote mountainous regions, which included sanitation, health, rural economic development, and narcotics suppression, were not merely civic actions. Rather, they were strategic moves designed to maintain a hierarchical relationship between the hill tribes and mainstream Thai society. Far from aiming to integrate these ethnic minorities into the Thai nation, these activities deliberately kept the highland minorities at arm’s length, serving to legitimise the nation-building process led by the existing ruling elite.

The author argues that [the 6 October1976 Massacre] epitomises how the Thai ruling elite, whether military or monarchy, successfully indigenised American anti-communist strategies to serve their own ends

The third chapter, “The Saga of the Black Panther, 1950-1976,” offers a nuanced look into the Police Aerial Reinforcement Unit (PARU) and its role within the broader framework of the BPP and the Cold War. Initially formed as a CIA paramilitary force, PARU faced existential challenges, particularly when Sarit Thanarat seized power in 1957. In order to survive, the unit was deployed to Laos for clandestine operations, securing US military aid for Thailand in the process. However, when the Laos operation faltered, PARU returned to Thailand as a demoralised unit. At this juncture, the Thai monarchy adopted PARU as an agent of indigenisation and royalist nationalism. The chapter reflects on the complexities of survival, allegiance, and identity. It highlights how local actors like PARU were not merely pawns but active agents in shaping their destinies within shifting geopolitical landscapes. In the fourth chapter, “Crusade from the Borders to Bangkok, 1969-1976,” the focus shifts to the 6 October Massacre, a watershed moment in Thai history. The author argues that this event epitomises how the Thai ruling elite, whether military or monarchy, successfully indigenised American anti-communist strategies to serve their own ends. The formation of the Village Scouts by the BPP and their role in the massacre is a stark reminder of how state-sponsored initiatives can have far-reaching and often devastating consequences. The concluding chapter, “Mission Incomplete,” serves as a reflective epilogue, pondering the long-term impacts of the indigenised Cold War on Thai society. The chapter scrutinises the transformation of King Bhumibol from a traditional royal patron to a modern nation-builder. It also examines the legacies of Thai-style democracy and royalist nationalism, which continue to exert a profound influence over Thai society. The chapter raises pertinent questions about the future role of the BPP, especially given its ambiguous identity constructed during the Cold War era.

The ruling elite engaged in a calculated ‘othering’ process, setting up psychological borders between ‘friend’ and ‘foe,’ ‘us’ and ‘them.’[…] to marginalise political dissidents and others posing threats to the regime, often labelling them as communists irrespective of their actual affiliations

One of the most salient strengths of Indigenizing the Cold War lies in its nuanced understanding of the postcolonial nation-building process. The author compellingly argues that under the aegis of the global Cold War system, nation-building was not merely a territorial project but also a psychological one. The ruling elite engaged in a calculated ‘othering’ process, setting up psychological borders between ‘friend’ and ‘foe,’ ‘us’ and ‘them.’ This strategy was particularly effective as it employed ambiguous criteria to determine who were communists and who were not, thereby consolidating the state’s authority. The ruling class weaponised this ‘othering’ tactic to marginalise political dissidents and others posing threats to the regime, often labelling them as communists irrespective of their actual affiliations. This strategy essentially conditioned the nation to fear and respect the authority of the state, as it was the state that had the ultimate say in meting out punishment or rewards. Additionally, the book offers a unique perspective on communism’s impact on Southeast Asia. The narrative tends to depict communism more as an abstract, distant threat rather than a tangible force with ebbs and flows. This portrayal could be a deliberate choice by the author to underscore how the concept of communism was often manipulated or reconstructed to fit specific narratives.

Another significant strength of the book is its nuanced analysis of the BPP’s role, which the author describes as a ‘symbolic missionary of nationalism’(page 5). The term ‘missionary’ is employed to signify the BPP’s active role in disseminating and reinforcing nationalist ideologies, a role in which it was patronized and emboldened by the Thai ruling elite, particularly the monarchy. The BPP is not merely a security force but a formalised institution that epitomises the collaboration between the United States and the Thai monarchy up to 1974. While the book provides an exhaustive account of the BPP’s role in Thai nation-building, it could benefit from situating the BPP within a broader context. Specifically, the BPP acts as a broker between ethnic minorities  and the ruling regime, and it is worth noting that Thailand often employs a more direct form of intervention, particularly in the use of forest land rights in border areas, to complete the state’s control of the border through processes of territorialisation. These top-down processes, like the civic initiatives led by the BPP, are instrumental in nation-building. Therefore, the correlation between the BPP and other state-led initiatives in nation-building should also be considered for a more comprehensive understanding.

While the book does touch upon the bureaucratic hindrances to the assimilation of mountain peoples, as mentioned in Chapter 2, ‘The Human Border,’ it still lacks a comprehensive account of resistance or agency from these communities

The core issue that emerges from the book is its portrayal of nation-building as a largely one-way process, focusing predominantly on the actions and strategies of the state or its agents (or broker), such as the BPP. While the book does touch upon the bureaucratic hindrances to the assimilation of mountain peoples, as mentioned in Chapter 2, ‘The Human Border,’ it still lacks a comprehensive account of resistance or agency from these communities. This absence is significant because it is difficult to gauge the effectiveness of nation-building without considering this component of resistance. The book’s one-sided portrayal simplifies what should be understood as a complex, two-way interaction between the state and the people in ungoverned areas. This leads to a further point of curiosity: Which concept of ‘nation-building’ is the book discussing? Is it the ‘united, progressive nation-state’ that the author describes as challenging to build, or is it a more inclusive concept of the nation? While the author’s final conclusion does reflect on the limitations of the concept of nation-building, it leaves room for further exploration and discussion.

The book excels in its theoretical contributions, particularly the concept of ‘indigenisation.’ […] Compared to the more commonly used term ‘localisation,’ ‘indigenisation’ serves as a more potent analytical tool to highlight the reciprocity involved in creating and sustaining conditions for collaboration and adaptation between the U.S

Lastly, the book excels in its theoretical contributions, particularly the concept of ‘indigenisation.’ The author employs the metaphor of ‘missionisation’ in missiology to elucidate the work and practices of missionaries who aimed not merely to convert indigenous people but also to bring them under their mission’s sphere of influence and control. Compared to the more commonly used term ‘localisation,’ ‘indigenisation’ serves as a more potent analytical tool to highlight the reciprocity involved in creating and sustaining conditions for collaboration and adaptation between the U.S. and its Southeast Asian allies during the Cold War. Significantly, the book integrates this theory of ‘indigenisation’ exceptionally well, particularly in chapters one through five. It demonstrates a progressive increase in the degree of ‘indigenisation,’ culminating in the 6 October Massacre, representing the apex of full ‘indigenisation.’ This observation adds another layer of depth to our understanding of how the theory is not just static but evolves and intensifies over time, thereby enriching our understanding of Cold War dynamics in Southeast Asia.

This book review is published by the LSE Southeast Asia blog and LSE Review of Books blog as part of a collaborative series focusing on timely and important social science books from and about Southeast Asia. This review gives the views of the author, and not the position of the LSE Review of Books blog, the LSE Southeast Asia Blog, or the London School of Economics and Political Science. 

Main Image Credit: Wasu Watcharadachaphong on Shutterstock.

Video: Israeli reserve colonel says Oct 7 killings were ‘mass Hannibal’ directive by IDF, not Hamas

Published by Anonymous (not verified) on Tue, 21/11/2023 - 8:32am in

Israeli media interview supports eyewitness accounts and inadvertent admission by Netanyahu spokesman that Israeli military, not Hamas, responsible for most deaths at Kibbutz Be’eri

A candid interview with a senior Israeli Defence Force (IDF) reserve pilot corroborates reports from eyewitnesses that Israeli forces were responsible for most deaths in the 7 October kibbutz raid – and not Palestinian resistance group Hamas.

The ‘Hannibal directive’, an instruction to the military to kill both hostages and raiders to prevent hostages being taken into captivity, was officially repealed in 2008, but Colonel Nof Erez said that he and his fellow pilots have been practising it for the past twenty years – and that the carnage at Kibbutz Be’eri was a ‘mass Hannibal’, with helicopter gunships shooting indiscriminately at cars leaving the area, without knowing whether they contained hostages or not.

Erez, speaking to Israeli media outlet Haaretz and translated by Asian news magazine The Cradle, said that the absence of any Israeli forces on the ground at the time ruled out any chance of ground coordination of the air assault – meaning that the helicopters would have been shooting at any target that moved:

Survivors of the slaughter have said that they were treated well by the Hamas raiders, but that Israeli forces fired indiscriminately – with one eyewitness reporting that her husband had been killed by Israeli bullets – and the kibbutz security head said that houses had been shelled to bring them down on their occupants and kill them and the Hamas fighters.

And last week former Israeli ambassador Mark Regev, now a key Netanyahu adviser, inadvertently admitted that the many charred bodies had been burned by Israeli weapons – as long suspected by military experts and commentators who knew that Hamas does not have weapons that will do it – when he said that two hundred bodies had been thought to be Israeli but were in fact Palestinians.

Western media and politicians remain stubbornly silent on these facts, allowing the Israeli regime to continue to deceive the UK and US public with lurid and entirely unevidenced tales – what has been put forward as supposed evidence has rapidly fallen apart – of rapes and beheadings to justify Israel’s war crimes and mass murder of Palestinian civilians in Gaza.

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Writing and Resistance – The White Rose Pamphlets: A Live Reading

Published by Anonymous (not verified) on Mon, 01/03/2021 - 6:50pm in

At around 11am on Thursday 18 February 1943 two students in Munich were arrested for distributing anti-Nazi pamphlets. By Monday they had been interrogated, tried, and executed along with another member of the resistance circle. Further arrests followed. From 15-27 February 2021 the White Rose Project will be following the events as they happened in real time through daily posts on Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram. This year marks the 78th anniversary of the first White Rose trials. It’s also a year when the dates and days of the week coincide. Imagine going about your normal routine on Monday, being arrested on Thursday, being interrogated over the weekend, and going to trial the following Monday morning.

At the heart of our week is a live reading of the White Rose’s resistance pamphlets, translated from German into English by student members of the White Rose Project. Dr Alex Lloyd (Fellow by Special Election in German, St Edmund Hall) will give a short introduction to the pamphlets. The readers are current and former students and academics, mirroring the membership of the original group: Sophie Caws, Eve Mason, Adam Rebick, Elba Slamecka, Sam Thompson, Amy Wilkinson, and Taylor Professor Emeritus of German Language and Literature, T.J. (Jim) Reed, FBA. The event will open and close with music by the award-winning vocal ensemble SANSARA, recorded on 22 February 2020. This event is supported by The Oxford Research Centre in the Humanities (TORCH) and the University of Oxford’s Public Engagement with Research Seed Fund. It is part of the White Rose Project, a research and public engagement initiative bringing the story of the White Rose resistance circle to English-speaking audiences.

Dr Alexandra Lloyd is Fellow by Special Election in German at St Edmund Hall, Oxford. She has published widely on post-war Germany, most recently in her book Childhood, Memory, and the Nation: Young Lives under Nazism in Contemporary German Culture (Legenda, 2020). She is currently a Knowledge Exchange Fellow at TORCH working with the White Rose Foundation in Munich, and is Project Lead on a Public Engagement with Research Seed Fund project, ‘Resistance: The Story of the White Rose’, in collaboration with the award-winning vocal ensemble SANSARA.

Eve Mason is a final-year student of English and German at the Queen’s College, Oxford. Her passion for translation led her to the White Rose Project, where she was one of the original translators of the pamphlets for The White Rose: Reading, Writing, Resistance. She was awarded a prize for German in the Warwick Prize in Undergraduate Translation in 2019 and has gone on to self-publish A String of Pearls: A Collection of Five German Fairy Tales by Women Writers, for which she won the LIDL Year Abroad Project Prize 2019–20.

Sophie Caws is a final year student of French and German at St Edmund Hall, Oxford. After taking German as a beginner’s language, she now studies modern German literature with Dr Lloyd, with a particular interest in Freudian psychology and the literature of the former GDR. She spent 9 months living in Leipzig, Germany, where she worked as an English Language Assistant with the British Council and a teacher of English as a Second Language. She was also involved in English-language community theatre with English Theatre Leipzig, with the aim of promoting intercultural linguistic and artistic exchange within the Leipzig community and beyond.

Sam Thompson is a fourth-year PhD student at King’s College London, where he is completing a thesis on Classical Reception in German-language exile literature, 1933-45. Sam previously studied Classics and German at Magdalen College, Oxford, where he also received an MSt in German (with a dissertation on Austrian memory literature). His recent research interests include the work of Bertolt Brecht, Lion Feuchtwanger and Anna Seghers, and Interbellum literature more broadly.

Live Event: White Rose - Voices of the German Resistance

Published by Anonymous (not verified) on Mon, 19/10/2020 - 4:57pm in

TORCH Goes Digital! presents a series of weekly live events Big Tent - Live Events! Part of the Humanities Cultural Programme, one of the founding stones for the future Stephen A. Schwarzman Centre for the Humanities. Join Dr Alex Lloyd (Fellow by Special Election in German, St Edmund Hall, Oxford) and Tom Herring (Artistic Director of SANSARA) to discuss White Rose - Voices of the German Resistance.

In 1943 five students and a professor at the University of Munich were executed. They had been part of the White Rose, a group that secretly wrote and distributed pamphlets calling on Germans to resist Hitler. The White Rose Project, a research and outreach initiative led by Dr Alex Lloyd at the University of Oxford, works to bring the story of this incredible group to an English-speaking audience.

White Rose - Voices of the German Resistance is a collaboration between the White Rose Project and SANSARA, an award-winning vocal ensemble led by Artistic Director Tom Herring. This project combines the two performance forces of the spoken word and a cappella choral music to tell this remarkable story. Music is juxtaposed with excerpts from the resistance group’s letters, diaries and pamphlets. The majority of these texts are only now being translated into English by students at Oxford. The music gives a background to the texts and speaks in dialogue with them, creating resonances, dissonances, and a chance for reflection.

In this live event, Alex and Tom discuss their work together with short excerpts from their concert on 22 February 2020, SANSARA’s last live performance before lockdown. This short film gives a brief introduction to the project https://youtu.be/76vhQmHQR1o

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