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The movement in Atlanta is not exceptional for either its militancy or its broad-based community organizing. It is exceptional for fusing these elements in the midst of a relatively depoliticized period of “restoration,” and for doing so in a durable way.
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Civilians are innocent, they have done nothing to make themselves liable to be killed. That war entails their killing, in vastly greater proportion to the killing of combatants, often under the color of law, means that our primary concern should always be on evaluating the justness of the cause of war—whether a given war can be justified at all in the face of the manifest immorality of civilian death—not the legality of the inevitable slaughter that follows.
The university’s initial statements had acknowledged that there was in fact a war happening in the Middle East and that members of our community had families and friends who had been killed or were living in extreme danger. This latest statement, on the other hand, sought to ban the chanting of words in a time of war without mentioning the war itself.
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I am far less concerned for the status of university presidents than I am for the safety and welfare of university faculty and, above all, students; there is more than academic freedom at stake.
Let me try my hand at one of those conditionals: If Alcott has always been interested in how people bargain with forces bigger than them, then Emergency is about what happens when women bet against themselves; when women use their own autonomy as a bargaining chip in a wager that might gain them some power within a system inherently built against them.
At some point, my number, 38, was called. I stood before the law, which in this case was a heavy but translucent prison cell door, where you needed to shout to be heard by a rookie cop on the other side.